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The trickster is now being televised. While most of us were indifferent to, or at best
amused by, his unconventional if not negative charisma, he slyly made his way from the
interstices to network television around the world, blatantly de-emphasizing control,
grace, and refinement, and surrendering to a childlike spontaneity, a ravenous curiosity,
and an uncensored world view. "In a country which is largely governed by the
celebrity party", says the prank-perpetrating Dennis Pennis, formerly of BBC2,
"I am the voice of opposition."1
Pennis represents but one of this new breed of televised trickster. In the space
of five years we have witnessed the emergence of this opportunistic media personality as a
genre unto itself, with such global practitioners as Ali G (Channel 4, UK; website:
www.boyakasha.co.uk/), Tom Green (MTV, USA; website: www.tomgreen.com), Nardwuar (Much
Music, Canada; website: www.nardwuar.com), Jiminy Glick (Comedy Central, USA; website:
www.comedycentral.com/tv_shows/primetimeglick/), and Dom Joly (Channel 4, UK; website:
www.triggerhappytv.com).
This increasingly commonplace teletrickster plays with what were once definite
boundaries and modalities in media discourse those demarcated by significations of
truth, professionalism, neutrality and rationality and has replaced them with
multiply inflected signs and cues. The result is a difficult to decipher blend of
provocation, play, dark comedy, and complex subversion. It is neither pure fact nor pure
fiction, but rather an intertwining of the audacious and the earnest, designed to test the
elasticity of, among other things, the borders of interpersonal communication on camera,
or broadcast behavior.
When a tricksterized language of media is being spoken, and spoken widely as it
currently is, we are unable to rely on conventional wisdom and inherited cultural
categories as our guides. Resorting to the postmodern dictum of disorder as its own system
of order seems overly simplistic as an explanation of the transmission of meaning
instigated by this guileful character who enters the scene under one pretense and operates
under others. And so the question arises, how does this audience make sense of this
chameleon?
The answer lies in an examination of what I will be referring to as the
teletricksters way, a migration of the trickster archetype from myth and
literature to the media sphere. This televised trickster differs from his trickster
predecessors in his promotion of a spirit of constant, if sometimes veiled carnival, as
opposed to planned and sanctioned rites of reversal of earlier eras. The deconstructive
battle these soldiers against protocol have entered into takes many forms: the
teletrickster versus accepted notions of media authority, the teletrickster versus the
concept of celebrity, the teletrickster versus the audience, and in perhaps its most
self-effacing manifestation, the teletrickster versus the media personality. This latter
contest is perhaps the most significant in our consideration of the dark side of the
trickster archetype, as by raising questions about the validity or rights of the
interrogator, the teletrickster not only questions the integrity and power relations of
the media encounter, but of his complicity as well. The illusion of media discourse as
representative, reliable, and well intentioned is thus brought to the fore by this
genre-straddling, and decorum-ignoring character. By choosing to multiaccentualize the
coding of the media encounter, the teletrickster enacts a long term effect on a viewing
audience for whom issues of subject positioning and identification were once clear-cut,
straightforward matters.2 The shaking up and
constant shifting of the component parts of the communicative event thus transform the
teletrickster into an unexpected but important agent of media literacy and communicative
practice.
It seems reasonable to speculate that the emergence of the teletrickster represents a
rebellion against a world characterized by a saturated media environment and a bias toward
the technological and the orderly. To this climate of control, organization, and
predictability, the teletrickster brings his own ideas, informed by such postmodern
markers as irony, pastiche, parody, self-referentiality, simulation, and contradiction.
Yet he also courts chaos in the tradition of the premodern medieval fool, using his wily
ways to suspend authority and draw attention to the rules of order as he has rewritten
them. In this way our broadcast fool is the ultimate manipulator of the media message,
calling attention to the arbitrariness of norms and conventions and, in so doing,
providing us
with alternate angles from which we may view the larger process of the media encounter.
The candid camera of decades past has now been fully integrated into all manner of media
encounters, thus facilitating the teletricksters way.
At the "Idea City" conference held in Toronto in June 2001, trusted
television news anchor Peter Jennings urged a return to what he called old-fashioned
serious journalism.3 Mr. Jennings
comment bears great significance. Referring to the days when material that was broadcast
was expected to be, and furthermore accepted as, accurate, honest, unbiased, and reliable,
and when a single-minded truth inhabited the public sphere of broadcast discourse, he
identifies the trigger that the teletricksters have chosen to pull. Their existence, and
furthermore their ubiquity and popularity, suggest that Mr. Jennings wish will
probably not come true any time soon.4 The public has seen the mechanics of media culture, witnessed
their fallibility, partiality, and submissive attitude toward celebrity and power, and is
no longer willing to invest in idealized notions of media authority in the same way.
Could it be there is another route, still within the media sphere, to a different
experience of this prized journalistic truth? This, I would argue, is the quest of
the teletrickster. By juggling genres and reconstituting codes, he allows realities about
interpersonal relations and behavior under the gaze of the electronic eye to reveal
themselves. He folds in aspects of broadcast talk such as agenda-sharing polite discourse,
logical/methodical modes of inquiry, and the more aggressive, investigative journalist
style of reportage, then incorporates elements of all these styles into his own brand of
media discourse, all the while shifting gears, baiting and switching, while capitalizing
on the stigmas and significations already in place then spinning them all to suit his
agenda of transmutation through insidious overthrow.5
His communicative intentions are multiple, his seemingly puerile and inane
questions readable as clever and probing. He inhabits this ambiguous residence by
occupying a liminal space, one that is "betwixt and between" in anthropologist
Victor Turners words: between the amateur and the professional, the ridiculous and
the rational, the childlike and the mature, the artistic and the aberrant.
The teletrickster seeks to call into question the old categories, and cause new ones to
expand to allow space for his voice to be heard from within these spaces. "There is
an art-making that beings with
lifting the shame covers", writes Lewis Hyde in Trickster
Makes This World, "
[in] refusing to guard the secrets, that uncovers a
plenitude of material hidden from conventional eyes and that points toward a kind of mind
able to work with that revealed complexity, one called
the hinge-mind, the translator
mind."6 By being both of the world of media
and not of the world of media our teletrickster seems uniquely qualified to do duty as the
hinge-dwelling troublemaker and intermediary of new systems of media meaning.7
The teletricksters activities are, at first glance, resistant to media
hegemony, yet largely expressed in its language. This ambiguity may be correlated to the
teletricksters simultaneous deployment of the "tactics of the weak" and
"strategies of the strong", styles of resistance designated by de Certeau.8 The unpolished and unseemly teletrickster insinuates
himself into the media space, and while the transformation from weak to strong is neither
linear nor complete, the co-existence of the two states is undeniable. While the
teletrickster appears to have the power as long as he is holding the microphone, the clock
is always ticking, with the prospect of being found out increasing by the second.
Weakness and strength, dark and light, play off each other as this trickster-instigated
semiosis provides the undeniable thrill of media establishment schadenfreude for
both the teletrickster and the viewing audience. The current climate of popular culture,
in which we see subtext increasingly floating to the surface and considerable overlap
between the mainstream and the subcultural, serves to add to the not entirely undesirable
sense of displacement, uncertainty and confused subject-positioning engendered by the
teletrickster.9
But being the rogue that he is the teletrickster knows that by speaking the
language of the dominant media culture he is more likely to achieve his mischievous ends.
His defiant incorporation of elements termed by Goffman as "backstage language"
and "out of frame" behavior10 into the
otherwise clearly governed world of media exchange, marks his paradoxical refusal of the
norms and standards of the broadcast protocol while operating within its world of coded
complexity.
The teletrickster succeeds in this reconstructive mission by assuming a persona and
appearance that while tending toward the peculiar or incongruous, possesses enough of the
requisite features to be read as a credible species of media personality. This is where
the teletrickster makes the gradual encroachment of what were once significations of
marginality and opposition (and are now part of the popular) work for him. As recently as
ten years ago his garish appearance and impertinent manner would have prevented him from passing
as a representative of the media. In todays world of rapid co-optation of styles and
lifestyles, this does not seem to pose a problem for our electronic antihero. The
teletrickster is thus able to benefit from established media norms and conventions being
read as significations of authority and truth without having any actual claim to them.
Things start to get particularly interesting when we can observe the implicit social
contract of the situation being disavowed, in real time, when the media encounter is
simultaneously inverted and subverted, when the interviewee becomes so confounded that he
is at times forced into the role of interviewer? In such a case the chaos and disorder
become palpable, with the potential for darkness flowing from the fact that even the
teletrickster does not mind that he cannot control the shifting shape as the rules of
interaction are improvised live and unedited. In the world of the teletrickster, after
all, there are no outtakes.
The borders of the relationship between the media personality and the subject have been
repositioned by the appearance of this increasingly common character, calling for a new
way of thinking about both media personality and media discourse. The teletricksters
way is one in which the mistake is artfully transformed into the intentional
stratagem. In this way the trickster of the electronic age may be seen as the author of
a new logic, one that promotes an interrogation of not only the logical and orderly, but
of the ludic and destabilizing as well; a reshaping as opposed to a straight refusal of
the media encounter. By aiming to do more than undermine the existing authoritarian
framework of the media, the teletrickster effectively resets the parameters of what
constitutes legitimate media discourse, staking out a place for his own disruptive yet
instructive hybrid of work and play in an expanded media metadiscourse.
Footnotes:
1. Dennis Pennis aka British actor Paul Kaye, "Anyone for
Pennis" VHS, BBC Worldwide, 1995
2. In Bignell (1997) the author schematizes the narrative and ideology of television as
a situation in which "
the individual subject
is continually asked to shift
subject-position in relation to the rapidly-changing semiotic fragments" (p. 146-147)
and furthermore that "by means of
TVs coded discourses, the viewer is
invited to identify with the mythic representative [e.g.the mediator between the
television viewer and the world of a program or an advertisement]
[and] take up a
subject-position appropriate to the preferred decoding
" (p. 147). When a
tricksterized discourse comes into existence, though, the clarities and loyalties of
subject-positions lose their singularity, and a preferred reading becomes problematic..
3. From Fulford, Robert, "Tell me, what have you been thinking about: IdeaCity
serves up some intellectual vaudeville", National Post, June 21, 2001. Fulfords
description of Jennings participation: "Peter Jennings, for instance, turned
out yesterday morning to be the kind of guest who probably wouldnt get invited back.
He nattered a lot, and in a brief period demonstrated several times that he cant
finish a sentence, much less a thought. He deplored the fall of old-fashioned serious
journalism, such as he, for instance, used to practice."
4. Within 8 weeks of Peter Jennings bemoaning the state of contemporary
journalism at the IdeaCity conference, CNN, once thought of as the gold standard of news
organizations, introduced its revamped "Headline News" service, described by one
writer as pitiful and goofy, with "foolish decorators having
junked up the screen, [allowing] the packaging [to] overtake the news
and
correspondents to carry on like entertainers the smarmy kind who play
third-rate lounges." From "CNN introduces news to laugh at", by Hal
Boedeker, Knight Ridder, August 10, 2001.
5. Tolson (in Scannell, 1991) to a large extent foresaw the turn in sensibility
instigated by a nascent form of the teletrickster. Pointing to such mid to late
1980s television programs as The Dame Edna Experience, The Max Headroom Show, and
The David Letterman Show as examples, he sees "
a series of transformations
in the mass-mediated public sphere, evident in the changing forms and genres of broadcast
discourse
[and recognizes] inter-generic developments and cross-generic
effects
developments in the public sphere of broadcast discourse [which] may be
starting to undermine the very notion of the general public which broadcasting
itself has constructed." (p. 196-198)
6. Hyde (1999), p. 305.
7. With regard to this notion of new systems of media meaning, the collision (and
collusion?) of the factual and the fictional is beginning to be acknowledged in media
coverage of media consumption. For example Janice Neils article "So this is
CNN?" (Globe & Mail newspaper, 15 August 2001) points to: "
young
viewers, particularly those born after 1970
[who] log onto Internet news
sites
or tune into late night talk and comedy shows for their information. The
political satire on "The Daily Show" with Jon Stewart became such a significant
source of news during last falls U.S. presidential election that Nielsen included it
in its measure of TV viewers on election night." Similarly, John Lelands New
York Times article of 03 September 2000, "The Heavy Metal Joke Not Everyone
Got", refers to the split gaze with which audiences are asked to view the
movie "Spinal Tap", "
to see the band as both real and parody at the
same time." He continues by noting that this "
smart alecky double vision
has become part of our signature gaze."
8. From de Certeau (1984), a strategy is a "
place of its own power and
will", as opposed to a tactic, which "
is the space of the other [and] an
art of the weak." p. 35-37. The analogy being made here is that the teletrickster is
able to craftily use both the tactics of the presumably weak media outsider and the
strategies of the allegedly strong media personality, thus doubling his chances of
successful chicanery.
9. I use the phrase not entirely undesirable as the criteria by which we
judge entertainment, and in particularly comedy, are changing. Jamie Malanowskis NY
Times article of 08 October 2000 entitled "The Blunt Appeal of Being Stupid"
coins the term post comedy comedy to refer to much of todays
prank-filled entertainment. "Its goal is less to provoke laughter than to elicit an
amusing shock", writes Malanowski, "
its all about the
meta-joke
the blunt introduction of anti-social acts into routine public
situations."
10. From Goffman (1959): Backstage language is characterized as consisting of
"profanity
. elaborate griping
rough, informal dress
sloppy sitting
and standing posture, use of dialect or substandard speech, mumbling and shouting, playful
aggressivity
inconsiderateness for the other in minor but potentially symbolic
acts." (p. 128). In Goffman (1974) the author uses the terms in frame
behavior and out of frame behavior to explicate how the various elements of
communication are organized so that it is implicitly clear what belongs in an
interpersonal interaction and what is located outside this boundary. (p. 201-210)
Bibliography:
Bignell, J. (1997). Media semiotics. Manchester & New York:
Manchester University Press.
de Certeau, M. (1984). The practice of everyday life. Berkeley and London:
University of California Press.
Fairclough, N. (1998). Media discourse. UK: Edward Arnold.
Goffman, E. (1981). Forms of talk. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Press.
_________ (1967). Interaction ritual. New York: Pantheon Books.
_________ (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. New York:
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Hyde, Lewis (1998). Trickster makes this world: Mischief, myth and art. New York:
Strauss, Farrar & Giroux.
Scannell, P. (1991). Broadcast talk. London: Sage Publications.
________ (1996). Radio, television & modern life. Oxford: Blackwell
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Turner, V. (1967). The forest of symbols. New York: Cornell University
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van Gennep, A. (1960). The rites of passage (M. Vizedom and G. Caffee, Trans.).
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
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