NEH Summer Seminar 2004
The Seven Deadly Sins as Cultural
Constructions
in the Middle Ages
OUTLINE
Introduction
There has been a great deal of attention devoted to the
concepts of The Seven Deadly Sins recently in popular forms of discourse, from
the new series of cultural studies at Oxford University Press and the
outstanding articles on the sins by major novelists and poets published in The New York Times Book Review in 1993
to an hour-long special broadcast the same year on MTV and the feature-length
film Seven of 1995. From elite culture to popular culture, in
other words, the seven deadly sins have retained their interest as cultural
constructions.
It is time to revisit
them in research on the period of their greatest dissemination and utility, the
Middle Ages. The most recent research
on this topic, in fact, has allowed these seven concepts to emerge from a
narrowly theological inquiry and to be seen, individually and as a series, in
the same light as other historically defined objects of study central to the
Humanistic endeavor. By focusing on the major cultural
contexts in which the sins were defined, the seminar will seek to deepen the
participants' appreciation for the ways in which the conception of morality in
the Middle Ages was a response to varying cultural factors, and will make the
study of the sins available for inclusion in the participants' regular college
instruction.
The seminar has been designed so as to provide a location in
which scholars in the Humanities and the Social Sciences can discuss the ways
in which the culture of the Middle Ages constructed morality. The practical goals of the summer will be
for me to assist the participants in their research project, and to make
available to the participants in the seminar an exciting group of guest
lecturers. The results of the seminar will, I hope, be disseminated in
special sessions at the annual Medieval Congress in Kalamazoo and, possibly, in
a volume of essays that I will edit.
I am seeking to recruit participants drawn from a wide variety of fields: college teachers who specialize in anthropology, history, and the study of literature, as well as specialists in art history, sociology, and those with a primary focus on theology and ethics. From two years of residence at institutes for advanced study in America and Britain, I am aware that interaction among disciplines is an essential ingredient in achieving a reinvigorated educational environment that will bring a new vision to the relationship between the sins and the niches of culture that were of vital importance in the construction of these moral categories. The participants will be expected to have a basic knowledge and understanding of medieval culture and history in its broad outlines, not limited to their own fields of specialized research. It will be helpful, although not a prerequisite, if participants have a working knowledge of French and German, in particular, or other modern European languages in which the scholarship on the sins is regularly published. It will be especially useful if they can read Medieval Latin. Nevertheless, the majority of the medieval texts used in the seminar will be made available to the seminar in their original languages with an accompanying English translation.
Intellectual Rationale
NEH support for the study of the seven deadly sins at
American universities began in
1978 with an NEH Summer Seminar for College and University Teachers at the University of Pennsylvania,
directed by Prof. Siegfried Wenzel. The
present seminar seeks to follow this educational innovation and reinvigorate
its content, in the current climate of ethical discourse in our culture, by
taking maximum advantage of the unique manuscript, research, and human
resources available at the University of Cambridge, England, and its institute
for advanced study, Clare Hall.
The
Study of the Seven Deadly Sins: From
Dogma to Cultural Constructs
The seven deadly sins (pride, envy, wrath, avarice, sloth, gluttony, lust – in their most frequent order) are sometimes thought of as inflexible categories of medieval dogma or, when they are found in examples of contemporary popular culture (such as the feature-length film Seven), as signifiers for something of an arcane perversion, a vehicle for an evil which is both mysterious and ancient. Such a view, of course, does not address the longevity of the idea of these seven constructs as comprehending the basic categories of evil in western culture. The very fact that even as this list of seven sins was being replaced by psychological, utilitarian, and other models of behavioral analysis it still could be adopted from Catholic to Protestant use during the Reformation, and further adopted for secular utilization both before and after that point, makes the seven sins a worthy object of cultural inquiry in the Humanities. Current research in the intellectual history of moral thought in the Middle Ages has demonstrated, moreover, how nuanced and differentiated the constructs actually were that came to be known as the seven deadly sins, how much their definition depended on a complex interaction with the cultural environments in which they were enumerated. The most recent research on this topic, in other words, has allowed these seven concepts to emerge from a narrowly theological inquiry and to be seen, individually and as a series, in the same light as other historically defined objects of study central to the Humanistic endeavor. In this way, current research does not define the categories of the sins merely as theological entities, but rather as differentiated articulations of what can be called discrete forms of an interrupted actualization of socially accepted forms of desire. Parallel to this definition, the virtues can be understood as ideals of the socialization of desire.
In the 19th and earlier 20th century,
and primarily in German scholarship, the sins were studied in three main
contexts: First, they were seen as part
of the history of Catholic dogma on matters of moral theology, something which
appears clearly in the sub-title of the major work on the sins and dogma in
this period, the monograph by Otto Zöckler.
Second, the origins of the sins became part of the historical study of
monastic spirituality in Egypt, where established lists of evil thoughts (later
reformulated as the sins) first appeared.
The focus here was on the debt this aspect of Egyptian monasticism owed to
both Hellenism and Early Christian literature.
Stefan Schiwietz's three-volume Das morgenländische Mönchtum,
published between 1904 and 1938, is typical of endeavors in this second
context, as is the monograph by Siegfried Wibbing. Third, the iconography of vices and virtues formed the subject of
a number of studies of medieval art, in particular in the tradition of
Prudentius's Psychomachia, such as one can find in Adolf
Katzenellenbogen's classic monograph.
The common factor in these studies is a tendency to examine their
subject from structural and historical perspectives in which the content of the
sins is imagined to be relatively stable.
Much of this earlier research was summarized and extended into the area of literary scholarship in 1952 in the monumental monograph by Morton Bloomfield, which not only was the first major American study of the sins, but also contributed a far more comprehensive view of the place of the sins in medieval culture that was also sensitive to some of the major changes in the composition of the lists of sins in response to varying cultural factors. Bloomfield's work proved highly influential in the educational context of American universities, in particular, but it also served as the starting point for the ongoing interest among subsequent European medievalists in this aspect of medieval moral thought. The publication in 1967 of Siegfried Wenzel's study of sloth and his fundamental article in Speculum the next year detailing problems in the history of the sins not addressed by Bloomfield's work set the agenda for much historiographical work to come. As a result, factors such as the place of the virtues in the comprehension of moral thought in the Middle Ages, the influence of Aristotle, and the genesis of rationales for the sins in Scholastic thought were the focus of some later work, such as the recent studies by Carla Casagrande and Silvana Vecchio. At the same time, the study of individual sins has been, and continues to be, advanced in work by Lester Little, Alexander Murray, or more recently Richard Newhauser on avarice; Mireille Vincent-Cassy on envy and sloth; and Pierre Payer or Ruth Karras on lust.
Yet much scholarship of the last twenty years has also moved beyond an agenda in which the seven deadly sins are seen to function almost hegemonically in the environment of pastoral theology. John Bossy's important essay in 1988 articulated ways in which the seven sins were seen by late-medieval culture to be inadequate, a topic which was in some regards anticipated by Bloomfield's work, but not fully realized there. Likewise, analyses of other enumerations of morality in the Middle Ages, like Casagrande and Vecchio on the sins of the tongue, or Newhauser on the nine accessory sins, have called attention to the way in which cultural exigencies (such as the oral nature of preaching and confession) elicited a response that gives evidence of the flexibility of medieval moral thought. But recent scholarship has also begun to address topics and use methodologies that open the question of the cultural use of the sins to a more diverse analysis and call into question some of the assumptions of earlier scholarship. Barbara Rosenwein et al. on anger, for example, is deeply invested in the current debate on the use and construction of the emotions in historical research, Michael Theunissen has questioned the supposed historical break between the melancholy articulated in antique texts, sloth in the Middle Ages, and modernity's representation of depression. Other approaches to the delineation of the moral categories of the sins have adopted methods of psychological research (Patrick Boyde), or the findings of anthropology (Newhauser), or a gender studies perspective (Karras) to yield new insight into the ways in which cultures fill the categories of moral analysis with an ever-changing content.
With so much recent attention focused on the sins, it seems that the time is right to revisit the content of a past NEH Summer Seminar with a new group of interested and engaged college teachers in order to reinvigorate the educational potential of the study of the seven deadly sins at American universities.
The Cultural Contexts of the Seven
Deadly Sins
In order to allow the participants to clearly relate the presentation of the sins to a specific context, it is proposed here that the seminar focus on the locations of medieval moral thought and their interaction with the contents of the presentations themselves. It is in this way that one can speak of the sins as cultural constructions. The following narrative will lay the foundation for the content and implementation of the project.
The longevity and centrality of the seven sins testifies to
the authoritativeness and versatility of what began as an element of monastic
education. Their origin is found in the
list of eight "evil
thoughts" (gluttony, lust, avarice, wrath, sadness, sloth, vainglory,
pride) that developed in the hermit communities of northern Egypt. These eight logismoi may have been common in the oral teaching of the Egyptian
monks,
but in written form they are found earliest in the Greek works of
Evagrius Ponticus (c. 345–399).
In the
octad, Evagrius systematized the theory of demonic intrusions on the
contemplative work of the anchorite so that the monk would be better armed to
defeat the demons who used temptations to hinder his attainment of apatheia
("passionlessness"). John
Cassian (c. 360–433/35) learned of the octad from Evagrius and made the order
of logismoi in Evagrius's De octo
spiritibus malitiae central to his Latin works written for cenobitic
monasteries in Marseilles. Here, the
"evil thoughts" were now termed vitia,
each with a list of sub-sins to which it gives rise. Cassian emphasized the concatenation of the first six sins, a
sequential relationship in which an excess of one vice becomes the foundation
for the subsequent one. Vainglory and
pride become dangerous precisely when the previous six have been
extirpated. The ascetic orientation of
these early monastic octads, written for communities of holy men, can be seen
in the way control of bodily desires lays the foundation for the defeat of more
spiritual temptations. Pope Gregory I
(c. 540–604) synthesized Cassian's monastic thought with Augustine's view of
sin as reflective of the will. Using
most of the octad's components, Gregory reversed the order of sins: what he explicitly called two "carnal
sins" come after five spiritual ones, with pride serving as the root of
all seven "principal
vices": vainglory, envy, wrath,
sadness, avarice, gluttony, lust (Moralia
in Iob, 31.45.87–90). When pride
itself was included in the list, the result could be understood as a variant of
a sin octad, but in either case, Gregory considered these sins the origins of
all sinfulness. The excesses of the ego
depicted in the heptad's spiritual sins emphasize the importance of humility
for Gregory as the central virtue of active obedience to authority within the
community in moral, monastic, and secular political terms. Pride was most commonly (though not exclusively)
considered the foundation of sinfulness in the early Middle Ages. Gregory asserts that the determination of
intention in any act necessitates close examination of motives that may reveal
a gap between the appearance of virtue and its origin in the impulses of
vice. He presupposes, thus, a certain
amount of moral ambiguity in any act.
The heptad reflects an ideal of hierocratic ideology and social hierarchy. In the early Middle Ages many other presentations of vices and virtues were addressed to the needs of the nobility: Martin of Braga composed the very popular Formula vitae honestae (570–79), a treatise on the cardinal virtues, for the moral instruction of the Suevic King Miro and his court. Typical of the aristocrats directly involved in the ethical renewal of the Carolingian reforms is Wido, Margrave of the Marca Britanniae, to whom Alcuin addressed his influential Liber de virtutibus et vitiis (c. 800). The reformers emphasized ethica, the study of virtue leading to correct living, along with the liberal arts and logic as the disciplines of philosophy: Alcuin frames his treatise with systems of virtue (at the beginning, theological; at the end, cardinal virtues). His compilation of scriptural and patristic texts as governing authorities served the further end of aiding uniformity in the Carolingian church, which allies his and other Carolingian and post-Carolingian treatises on moral theology with the genre of the florilegium.
The internalization of concepts of the individual and spirituality in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries anchored moral theology in psychological processes. Hugh of St. Victor (1096–1141) reinterpreted concatenation as a description of developing sinfulness which began with the common classification of sin according to the subject it is directed against: pride removes the sinner from God, envy from his neighbor, wrath from himself. The last four sins marked stages in the sinner's descent into slavery to sin (De quinque septenis). The intended audience of this view of the sins now includes new classes of an urban population. The renewal of interest in Augustinian theology in the 12th century marks a tendency to see caritas as the most important virtue instead of Gregory the Great's focus on humility. The Ethics of Peter Abelard (1079-1142) for the first time systematically analyzed the importance of intention and conscience, i.e., the inner disposition of each human being, in the determination of what constitutes vice and virtue. The interconnection between monastic theology and the developing "theology of the schools" produced many other presentations using the symmetry of vices and virtues (or related qualities, especially the gifts of the Holy Spirit). The Liber de fructu carnis et spiritus by Conrad of Hirsau (c. 1070–c. 1150) treats the Gregorian heptad and an opposed list (theological plus cardinal virtues) and was influential in the development of illuminations of matching trees of vices and virtues; Alan of Lille's De virtutibus et de vitiis et de donis spiritus sancti (c. 1170–80) examines the gifts of the Holy Spirit, defines the sins and their progeny, and makes the theological virtues a category of one of the cardinal virtues; the façade of Notre-Dame cathedral in Paris (early 13th cent.) arranges personifications of virtues with roundels of exemplified sins in a way that summarizes types of representation of both. With the shift to a growing profit economy in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, treatments of avarice and its sub-sins (usury, illicit merchant practices, etc.) began to vie with pride more frequently in discussions of which sin is the root of all others.
Early Scholastic literature began to treat sin and virtue within a wider approach to systematic theology, though attempts to adduce a theoretical rationale for a system of sins (generally as aberrations of the human will) produced any number of classifications of the sins: Peter Lombard's Sentences (c. 1150), the standard textbook for Scholastic education in theology, had suggested four: Augustine's distinction of sins by their origin in cupidity or fear; Jerome's classification of sins of thought, word, or deed; the distinction according to the subject sin is directed against; and the Gregorian heptad (Sent., 2.30–44). The seven sins could not easily be justified as the most important or the most serious sins. The phenomenology of sin and virtue became central to theology as a discipline, but this opened up new avenues of classification. The use of Aristotle's Nichomachean Ethics reinforced academic moral theology's move beyond hamartiology (and an interest in only seven chief sins) to instead become a theory of virtue, devoted to questions touching the divisions of the virtues (intellectual, moral, theological), their causes, and their interconnection.
The importance of the sacrament of penance influenced frequent Scholastic attempts to distinguish between explicit violations of God's law (deadly sins) and acts that do not directly breach this law (venial sins). The attempts to define venial sin also included the idea of a diminution of any inherent human sinfulness due in part to the imperfect nature of human intention or human knowledge, as one can see, for example, in "Le profit de savoir quel est péché mortel et véniel" and other works by Jean Gerson (d. 1429). The seven sins no longer suffice as a schematic organization of the multitude of errors that Gerson discusses, which in one treatise amount to 58 different kinds of deception by the devil (i.e., vices disguised as virtues). With an endless choice of feigned virtues that self-examination will expose as sins, Gerson’s sinner has arrived at what has been described as a “paralysis of the soul” typical of a late-medieval guilt culture. An interest in the Jewish scriptures that had begun in the twelfth century, uneasiness with the lack of a biblical foundation for the capital vices, and a concern to bind morality into a juridical system resulted in the emergence of the Ten Commandments, especially among Franciscan theologians beginning with Duns Scotus, as the moral system that would be universally taught after the sixteenth century.
In pastoral theology, art, and literature, the capital vice
tradition remained dominant through the sixteenth century. The reforming efforts of the Church to
control the content of catechesis by reinstructing congregations at all social
levels in matters of the faith culminated in canon 21 of the Fourth Lateran
Council (1215)
that legislated confession for all Christians at least once a
year. Many regional councils demanded
that clergy preach on vices and virtues, as well. The examination of the
conscience envisioned here included material specific to women and all classes
of society. The question of how
to organize the sins to be confessed and preached was answered very early by
drawing on the capital vices, which now became the seven deadly sins. Robert of Flamborough's early
thirteenth-century Liber poenitentialis
recommended the heptad precisely because the genetic relationship of the vices
(and their progeny) facilitated confession.
Eventually, the number of progeny was vastly expanded, but the basic
classification of seven chief sins and their chief remedies remained, though
often in tandem with other catechetical systems. The outpouring of penitential and homiletic texts treating vice
and virtue, initially addressed to the clergy, was the work especially of the
Dominicans and Franciscans (in particular in the cities), and it influenced the
development of vernacular works on morality, now addressed to the urban
laity. William Peraldus's widely
transmitted Summa virtutum ac vitiorum (1236–1250), which played a seminal role in the development of the
sins of the tongue, influenced important vernacular treatments of the vices and
virtues such as Friar Laurent of Bois' Somme le roi (1280) and
(indirectly) Chaucer's "Parson's Tale" (late 14th
century). The recognition of the
cognitive value of images for educating pious Christians drew in the late
Middle Ages on the intersection between pastoral literature, the
natural-philosophical understanding of animals, and traditional moral
iconography to produce emblematic presentations of the vices and virtues in
many media and for many functions, from supporting the Benedictine
reform to promoting civic ethics (as in the Regensburg tapestry of the vices
and virtues, c. 1400). The confluence
of pastoral literature and a high degree of emblematic iconography also
characterizes late-medieval and Renaissance literary treatments of the vices
and virtues, from Dante's (1265–1321) Divine
Comedy to morality plays.
Content and Implementation of the Project
The weekly work of the seminar will generally be conducted in meetings at Clare Hall, University of Cambridge, from 9:30 a.m. to noon, on Monday, Wednesday, and Thursday. Excursions have also been planned to St. Mary's Church, Hardwick (near Cambridge), and to important manuscript collections in Cambridge itself: St. John's College, the University Library, and the Fitzwilliam Museum.
In addition to attending the sessions of the seminar, the participants will be able to use the facilities of the Cambridge University Library to work on their research project and they will be able to consult me about their work during regularly scheduled individual conferences. On part of Wednesday and on Thursday of the last week of the seminar the participants will give a brief presentation of the initial results of their research.
During each week, the work of the seminar will focus on a series of readings that grew out of a particularly important cultural location in the history of the sins. Sections of these texts, with English translations wherever possible, will be distributed to the participants at the opening of the seminar. During each week, the work of the seminar will emphasize one or more of the sins, not to the exclusion of others, but so as to concentrate the analysis of the connection between the specific context for that week and the content of the sin or sins. In this way, the flexibility of the category of moral thought will emerge as it adjusts to changes in cultural contexts.
Week One: Desert and Monastery (July 12-15). Visiting faculty: Prof. Ian Goodyer
The opening session of the seminar on Monday will be taken up with individual meetings between me and each participant in order to discuss the independent project s/he will work on for the summer and the anticipated outcomes. Each participant will schedule at least one more individual conference with me during the third week of the seminar.
The first formal session on Wednesday will briefly characterize the kinds of interactions between contexts and content that the seminar will deal with in greater detail for the next weeks. For the early monks, sloth and tristitia (sadness) were particularly characteristic sins, being defined in ways that made them especially responsive to the situation of monks engaged in the intensive work of meditation. These sins, then, will be the focus of the first week, illustrated by treatises by Evagrius Ponticus (De malignis cogitationibus, Praktikos, etc.) and John Cassian (Collationes patrum and De institutis coenobiorum), in particular, with Gregory the Great (Morals on Job) serving as a transition to the work of the next week and Conrad of Hirsau (Liber de fructu carnis et spiritus) providing a view of some of the continuity of monastic thought. We will use Siegfried Wenzel, The Sin of Sloth: Acedia in Medieval Thought and Literature (Chapel Hill, NC, 1967), and more recent work by Rüdiger Augst and Gabriel Bunge to understand sloth as a monastic vice. With the visit of Professor Ian Goodyer during the first week, we will also begin to develop a psychological model for the analysis of these two sins, in particular, based on the psychiatric analysis of adolescent depression, a field in which Professor Goodyer is an internationally renowned expert. His articles on this subject have appeared in such publications as the Journal of Psychosomatic Research, Psychological Medicine, and the Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. (bibliobraphy)
Week Two:
Court (July 19-22). Visiting
faculty: Prof. David Ganz
The focus of the seminar during the second week will be the medieval court as a factor in defining aristocratic morality. In pride, medieval moral thought identified a sin considered particularly characteristic of noblemen and represented pictorially in outlandish clothing. Wrath, however, was also frequently attributed to the nobility, though as we will see by reading the works of Prudentius (Psychomachia), Martin of Braga (Formula vitae honestae, De ira, and De superbia), and Alcuin (Liber de virtutibus et vitiis), the potential ambiguity of moral designations can also be seen here. Wrath, in fact, was a defining characteristic of masculinity, as Richard Barton has shown in Anger's Past: The Social Uses of an Emotion in the Middle Ages, ed. Barbara Rosenwein (Ithaca and London, 1998), and as much praised for its God-like qualities as condemned for its irrationality. The dilemma here is obvious, for if overweening ego was to be condemned as pride, God-like wrath could be praised only with difficulty. The seminar will explore the ways in which the tensions here respond to tensions in the court, especially in the Carolingian period. David Ganz, Professor of Latin Paleography, Department of English and Classics, King's College, University of London, will open the discussion of the iconography of the vices by presenting the participants with some important manuscripts at the Fitzwilliam Museum. Professor Ganz's work on early-medieval libraries and the intellectual history of the Carolingian period is well known; his work has appeared in the New Cambridge Medieval History and in a wide series of journals and collections of essays. (bibliobraphy)
Week Three:
University (July 26-29):
Visiting faculty: Dr. István
Bejczy, Dr. Paul Binski
With the growth of the universities one can note a tendency
to refashion moral thought as a theology of virtue rather than an analysis of
sin, as can be observed fully formed in the sections of Aquinas's Summa
theologiae the seminar will read in the third week. Dr. István Bejczy will emphasize this fact
in his lecture. Dr. Bejczy's expertise
in 12th-century moral theology that stems from his current project
directing six research fellows in the production of a multi-volume history of
the cardinal virtues will benefit the participants in the seminar in the
examination of the origins of academic theology and the ways in which academic
discourse shaped the connection between vices and virtues. Partially as a pedagogic device, and
partially as a presentation of mental acuity, parallel lists of sins and their
virtuous opponents were drawn up by authors like Hugh of St. Victor (De quinque septenis) and Alan of Lille (De virtutibus et de vitiis et de donis
spiritus sancti). At the same time,
the importance of intention central to Peter Abelard's work (especially his Ethics) raises the question that
anthropologists ask about the determination of another person's inner state,
namely what right is invoked to allow the interpreter to say s/he has seen the
truth of that inner state (we will use an English translation of my essay “Zur
Zweideutigkeit in der Moraltheologie. Als Tugenden verkleidete Laster,” in P. von Moos, ed., Der Fehltritt.
Vergehen und Versehen in der Vormoderne [Köln, Weimar, Wien, 2001], pp.
377-402). Finally, the interest
in demonology witnessed in the work of Peter Lombard, for example, will be seen
to influence the conception of envy.
Dr. Paul Binski, Reader in the
History of Medieval Art, University of Cambridge, will provide a
transition to 13th-century English art and the era of reform by focusing on the
iconography of the sculptures of the Salisbury chapter house, the king's
chamber at Westminster, the Apocalypses, and such pastoral texts as the Somme le Roi. Dr. Binski's studies of Westminster Abbey and the Plantagenets: Kingship
and the Representation of Power 1200-1400 (Yale Univ. Press, 1995) and the forthcoming Art and Authority in the Age of Becket (Yale Univ. Press, 2004)
have established him as a leading scholar of the history of medieval English
art. (bibliobraphy)
Week Four:
Church and Pastoralia (August 2-5):
Visiting faculty: Dr. Richard
Beadle, Dr. Sylvia Huot
Corporeal sins had long been separated from sins considered "spiritual" in moral thought, but the material for the fourth week's work will allow us to examine the class distinctions implicated in some of the ways the sins of the flesh were presented to penitents, especially in the popular work of William Peraldus (Summa de vitiis et virtutbus) and the vernacular treatises in English and French to be read for this week (Geoffrey Chaucer, "The Parson's Tale"; Jean Gerson, "Le profit de savoir quel est péché mortel et véniel"). Both lords and peasants drank to excess and had erotic experiences, but they did not get drunk or have intercourse in the same way. The kinds of wine the aristocracy drank were different from what the commoners could afford; the kind of debauchery considered typical of the nobility was also different from peasant indiscretions. We will be visited this week by Dr. Richard Beadle, Reader in English Literature and an internationally known expert on English manuscripts of the later Middle Ages, whose edition of the York Mystery Plays is an essential tool for teaching early English drama, and Dr. Sylvia Huot, Reader in Medieval French Literature, whose work on the manuscripts and interpretation of the Romance of the Rose will guide us in understanding this important Old French treatment of courtly and moral values. Both guest lecturers will help the seminar focus on the question of whose interests were served by insisting on class distinctions in moral analysis. Both speakers will also continue with the presentation of manuscripts with vernacular pastoral works in Cambridge libraries. During Dr. Beadle's presentation, we will meet in the Old Library at St. John's College, one of the outstanding examples of college library architecture in Cambridge. During Dr. Huot's presentation, we will meet in the Fitzwilliam Museum. (bibliobraphy)
Week Five:
City (August 9-12): Visiting
faculty: Dr. Nigel Harris
The final week will return the seminar to the topic of sloth, but now conceived in connection with, or at a distance to, economic activity. Work, as a profit-making activity in late-medieval cities, will be the focus of this week's seminar study, both in its relationship with leisure and in its problematic connection with avarice. Both John Gower (Confessio Amantis) and Dante, in particular, are conscious of the ways in which the wealth of cities is the result of the acquisitive urge. They can both condemn avarice, but they also evince ways of valorizing the search for profit as necessary for the functioning of the city and essential to their literary well being. Work by the historian John Bossy and the Dante scholar Patrick Boyde will help elucidate the ways in which new formulations of sins and virtue were beginning to replace the seven deadly sins as schematic presentations of morality. The guest lecture by Dr. Nigel Harris, Senior Lecturer in German Studies, University of Birmingham, will focus the attention of the seminar on the ways in which urban politics in the Austrian/Bavarian area influenced the production of a civic ethics that also empties avarice of some of its onerousness. Dr. Harris is the editor of a major text on the vices produced in late-medieval Austria, the Etymachia, a battle of personified vices and virtues. (bibliobraphy)
Project Faculty and Staff
Director
A word
about myself: much of my
scholarship has been focused on the history of the virtues and vices from late
antiquity to the early modern period. I
am a former Visiting Distinguished Professor in the History Department at the
Katholieke Universiteit, Nijmegen, Holland; a Fellow at the National Humanities
Center; the holder of two NEH Summer Stipends; the recipient of a Guggenheim
Fellowship and a Fellowship from the ACLS; and a Life Member of Clare Hall,
University of Cambridge. I regularly
teach a seminar for undergraduates at Trinity University entitled "Sins
and Sinners in Western Culture" that examines changing understandings of
morality in the cultural contexts of the Middle Ages and beyond. My publications have focused in particular
on the genre of treatments of the vices (The Treatise on Vices and Virtues
in Latin and the Vernacular, Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental,
68 [1993]), the sin of avarice (The Early
History of Greed [Cambridge University Press, 2000]) and curiosity as a
vice (articles in Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift and a number of collections of essays). My complete vita can be found online at http://www.trinity.edu/rnewhaus/vita.html.
Visiting Instructors
The seminar seeks to encourage interaction between the American participants and some of the finest European scholars working on questions of medieval moral constructs and other experts whose work will help to revitalize the study of the sins in the Middle Ages. A number of these scholars have appointments at the University of Cambridge, others are only a short distance away. These visiting instructors will provide invaluable lectures for the seminar and join the participants for lunch and informal conversation after the seminar.
Dr. Ian Goodyer, MD, Fellow, Wolfson College, University
of Cambridge, and Professor of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, Department of
Psychiatry, University of Cambridge. An
internationally renowned expert on adolescent depression, Prof. Goodyer's work
will aid the seminar in constructing a paradigm for the psychological analysis
of sloth and tristitia (sadness), in particular.
Dr. David Ganz, Professor of Latin Paleography,
Department of English and Classics, and Director, Centre for Late Antique and
Medieval Studies, King's College, University of London. Prof. Ganz's knowledge of Carolingian ethics
and important early manuscripts in the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge will
give the participants direct contact with important primary sources for the
study of the sins.
Dr. Sylvia Huot, Fellow, Pembroke College, University
of Cambridge, and Reader in Medieval
French Literature, University of Cambridge.
Dr. Huot's expertise in medieval French literature of all types and
illuminated manuscripts of French origin in Cambridge libraries will deepen the
participants' understanding of pictorial representations of the sins and the
breadth of their transmission.
Dr. Richard Beadle, Fellow, St. John's College,
University of Cambridge, and Lecturer in English, University of Cambridge. Dr. Beadle is an internationally known
expert on English manuscripts of the later Middle Ages and will provide the
participants with an insider's look at the English texts on the sins in the
manuscript and rare book collection at St. John's College.
Dr. Paul Binski, Fellow,
Gonville and Caius College, and Reader in the History of Medieval Art,
University of Cambridge, Department of
History of Art. Dr. Binski is one of
the leading authorities on English art in the high and later Middle Ages. He will help the seminar place groups
of virtues, vices, and remedies in the context of 13th-century English art and
the era of reform.
Dr. Nigel Harris, Senior Lecturer, Department of German
Studies, University of Birmingham. Dr.
Harris's expertise in the interaction between lay and clerical groups in Bavaria
and Austria during the later Middle Ages will help make comprehensible the ways
in which an urban environment and urban politics influenced the content and
presentation of pastoral theology.
Dr. István Bejczy, Senior Researcher, Department of
History, Katholieke Universiteit, Nijmegen, Holland. Dr. Bejczy's expertise in 12th-century moral theology
that stems from his current project directing six research fellows in the
production of a multi-volume history of the cardinal virtues will benefit the participants
in the seminar in the examination of the origins of academic theology and the
ways in which academic discourse shaped the connection between vices and
virtues.
Selection of Participants
Selection Process and Criteria
Applications will be evaluated by a committee composed of Prof. Richard G. Newhauser and Prof. Siegfried Wenzel, Emeritus, Department of English at the University of Pennsylvania. The committee will, of course, pay close attention to the résumé and the quality of the essay which forms part of the application that each potential participant submits, but at the same time it will attempt to create a diverse group with a wide range of disciplines and interests in order to achieve a cross-fertilization of ideas. The committee will be particularly interested in supporting participants who plan to incorporate the outcomes of the seminar in their teaching or design new courses around the seven deadly sins.
Institutional Context: Clare Hall, University of Cambridge
The physical setting of the seminar could hardly be trumped by any place more conducive to study and research. The staff member of the seminar at Clare Hall will help register the participants at the University Library so they will have reading privileges at the college and faculty libraries associated with the University of Cambridge and at the University Library itself, one of the finest open-stacks libraries in the world (open 9:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m. on weekdays and from 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. on Saturday). Participants will be especially encouraged to become familiar with the University Library's special collections rooms for manuscripts and early printed books. Both have been newly renovated.
Clare Hall, the seminar's home, has been an independent college for graduate education in the University of Cambridge since it received a Royal Charter from Queen Elizabeth II in 1984. It is located on spacious grounds along Herschel Road directly behind the University Library and a brief walk from the Sidgwick Arts site which houses the faculties of Religion, Modern Languages, English, History, and Anthropology. The college has at any one time over 150 graduate students from 40 countries and a large number of visiting fellows, so that it serves as Britain's most active institute for advanced study. It is, thus, an ideal location for a Summer Seminar because of its ongoing intellectual environment. The college also has modest sports facilities: a swimming pool, a gym, and – my favorite – access to squash courts. If participants are interested in punting on the Cam, the college has a punt which can be rented. More detailed information about the college is available at http://www.clarehall.cam.ac.uk/.
Participants will be able to use the college computer rooms for Internet access, printing, word processing, and e-mail (for which they will need an Internet accessible e-mail account). The computer labs are fully equipped with PCs and Macs and are generally accessible 24 hours per day. We have also been granted the use of the Robert Honeycombe Building on the grounds of Clare Hall as a dormitory for most of the participants in the seminar. It consists of 13 student rooms: 12 singles and 1 double. The rooms are not ensuite but have good bathroom facilities on each floor. There is also a kitchen and common room with a television. The communal areas will be cleaned daily and the bedrooms will be cleaned and linens changed once a week. These accommodations will cost £500 (currently about $850) per room for the five weeks of the seminar. Two participants will be able to share a two-bedroom flat in the Gillian Beer House on the grounds of the college. Here, too, kitchen facilities and a weekly linen service are included in the price of £1400 for the flat for the five weeks of the seminar (£700 per person [currently about $1,190]). Neither of these accommodations is suitable for families. While there is an organization in Cambridge that can locate accommodations for families in the city, these will be considerably more expensive than what Clare Hall has offered us for individual participants. The college provides meals on all weekdays at the following costs: lunch £9.50; dinner £9.50; Wednesday dinner £15.00 (served with wine). I will be making arrangements with scholars who are in residence in Cambridge to have informal lunches with us once or twice per week during the seminar, but these lunches will be held in the house I will rent for the summer at Clare Hall or in the Robert Honeycombe Building.
Stipends
Participants will receive a stipend of $ 3,250. Since the seminar will be held overseas, each participant will receive a check for this full amount before the seminar begins.
Application
Information
Application information can be found here. Completed applications should be postmarked no later than March 1, 2004, and should be addressed as follows:
Richard Newhauser
Director, NEH Summer Seminar 2004
Department of English
Trinity University
One Trinity Place
San Antonio, TX 78212-7200
Applications can also be sent to me as an e-mail attachment formatted in Microsoft Word addressed to: rnewhaus@trinity.edu.
The most important part of the application is the essay that must be submitted as part of the complete application. This essay should include any personal and academic information about you that is relevant to your application; your reasons for applying to this particular project; your interest, both intellectual and personal, in the topic; your qualifications to do the work of the project and make a contribution to it; what you hope to accomplish by participation, including any individual research and writing projects; and the relation of the study to your teaching.
Preliminary Bibliography
I. Primary Presentations
Cassian,
John. Collationes patrum.
Edited and translated by E. Pichery. 3 vols. SC 42 [New ed., 1966], 54 [New ed., 1967],
64. Paris: Cerf, 1955–1959.
---. De institutis coenobiorum. Edited and translated by Jean-Claude Guy. SC 109. Paris: Cerf, 1965.
Conrad of Hirsau. Liber de fructu carnis et spiritus. PL 176:997–1006.
Evagrius Ponticus. De malignis cogitationibus. In Évagre le Pontique: Sur les pensées, edited by Paul Géhin, Claire Guillaumont, and Antoine Guillaumont. SC 438. Paris: Cerf, 1998.
---. Praktikos. In Évagre le Pontique: Traité pratique ou le moine, edited and translated by Antoine Guillaumont and Claire Guillaumont. 2 vols. SC 170–71. Paris: Cerf, 1971.
---. De octo spiritibus malitiae. PG 79:1145A–64D.
---. De vitiis quae opposita sunt virtutibus. PG 79:1139–44.
Gregory the Great. Moralia in Iob. Edited by M. Adriaen. 3 vols. CCSL 143–143B. Turnhout: Brepols, 1979–1985.
Alcuin. Liber de virtutibus et vitiis. PL 101:613–38.
Martin of Braga. Formula vitae honestae, De , and De superbia. In Martini episcopi Bracarensis opera omnia, edited by C. W, Barlow, 236–50, 150-58, 69-73. Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome, 12. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1950.
Prudentius. Psychomachia. In Aurelii Prudentii Clementis carmina. Edited by M. P. Cunningham. CCL 126. Turnhout: Brepols, 1966.
Abelard, Peter. Peter Abelard's Ethics: An Edition with Introduction. Edited by D. E. Luscombe. Oxford: Clarendon, 1971.
Alan of Lille. Liber poenitentialis. Edited by Jean Longère. 2 vols. Analecta Mediaevalia Namurcensia, 17-18. Louvain: Editions Nauwelaerts, 1965.
---. De
virtutibus et de vitiis et de donis spiritus sancti. Edited by Odo Lottin. In
Psychologie et morale aux XIIe et XIIIe
siècles, 6:27–92. Gembloux: J.
Duculot, 1960.
Aristotle. Ethica Nicomachea. Translated by Robert Grosseteste. Edited by René-Antoine Gauthier. In Aristoteles Latinus, vol. 26/3. Leiden: Brill, 1972.
Hugh of St. Victor. De quinque septenis. In H. de Saint-Victor. Six opuscules spirituels. Edited by R. Baron, 100–18. SC 155. Paris: Cerf, 1969.
Peter Lombard. Magistri Petri Lombardi Parisiensis episcopi Sententiae in IV libris distinctae. 2 vols. 3rd ed. Spicilegium Bonaventurianum, 4–5. Grottaferrata: Collegium S. Bonaventurae, 1971–1981.
Thomas Aquinas. Summa theologiae. 9 vols. In Sancti Thomae Aquinatis doctoris angelici opera omnia iussu impensaque Leonis XIII P. M. edita, vols. 4–12. Rome: Typographia Polyglotta S. C. de Propaganda Fide, 1888–1906.
Alexander Carpenter. Destructorium viciorum. Cologne, 1485; Paris, 1521.
Chaucer, Geoffrey. "The Parson's Tale." In The Riverside Chaucer. Edited by L. D. Benson et al., 288–328. 3rd ed. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1987.
Gerson, Jean. "Le profit de savoir quel est péché mortel et véniel." In Jean Gerson. Œuvres complètes. Edited by Palémon Glorieux, 7/1:370–89. Paris: Desclée, 1966.
Hugh Ripelin of Strasbourg. Compendium theologicae veritatis. In Albertus Magnus, Opera omnia, edited by S. C. A. Borgnet, 34:1-261. Paris: Vives, 1899.
Lavynham, Richard. A Litil Tretys on the Seven Deadly Sins. Edited by J. P. W. M. van Zutphen. Rome: Institutum Carmelitanum, 1956.
Mannyng, Robert. Handlyng Synne. Edited by F. J. Furnivall. EETS os, 119. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1901.
Peraldus, William. Summa virtutum ac vitiorum Guilhelmi Paraldi Episcopi Lugdunensis de ordine predicatorum. Paris: Johannes Petit, Johannes Frellon, Franciscus Regnault, 1512.
Robert of Flamborough. Liber poenitentialis. Edited by J. J. Francis Firth. Studies and Texts, 18. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1971.
Ps.-Vincent of
Beauvais. Speculum morale. In Vincentii Burgundi Speculum quadruplex
sive speculum maius, vol. 3. Douai: Ex officina Typographica Baltazaris
Belleri, 1624. Reprint, Graz:
Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1964.
Berthold of Regensburg. Berthold von Regensburg: Vollständige Ausgabe seiner Predigten. Edited by Franz Pfeiffer and Joseph Strobl. 2 vols. Vienna: W. Braumueller, 1862-80. Reprint, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1965.
Book for a Simple and Devout Woman: A Late Middle English Adaptation of Peraldus's "Summa de vitiis et virtutibus" and Friar Laurent's "Somme le Roi." Edited by F. N. M. Diekstra. Mediaevalia Groningana, 24. Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1998.
Dante Alighieri. The Divine Comedy. Edited and trans. by John D. Sinclair. 3 vols. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1939–1946.
The Latin and German "Etymachia": Textual History, Edition, Commentary. Edited by Nigel Harris. MTU 102. Munich: Beck, 1994.
Gower, John. Confessio Amantis. In The English Works of John Gower, edited by G. C. Macaulay. 2 vols. EETS es, 81-82. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1900-1.
Notre-Dame Cathedral. Paris.
Peter the Chanter. Verbum abbreviatum. PL 205:21-528A.
Tapestry of the Vices and Virtues. Regensburg, Historisches Museum.
II. Secondary Works
Bloomfield, Morton W. The Seven Deadly Sins: An Introduction to the History of a Religious Concept, with Special Reference to Medieval English Literature. [East Lansing, MI:] Michigan State Univ. Press, 1952. Reprint, 1967.
Bossy, John. "Moral Arithmatic: Seven Sins into Ten Commandments." In Conscience and Casuistry in Early Modern Europe. Edited by Edmund Leites, 214–34. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Paris: Editions de la maison des sciences de l'homme, 1988.
Boyde, Patrick. Human Vices and Human Worth in Dante's "Comedy." Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2000.
Casagrande, Carla, and Silvana Vecchio. "La classificazione dei peccati tra settenario e decalogo (secoli XIII–XV)." Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale 5 (1994): 331–95.
---. I
sette vizi capitali: Storia dei peccati nel Medioevo. Saggi,
832. Turin: Giulio Einaudi, 2000.
---. "Péché." In Dictionnaire Raisonné de l'Occident Médiéval. Edited by Jacques Le Goff and Jean-Claude Schmitt, 877–91. Paris: Fayard, 1999.
Delumeau, Jean. Sin and Fear. The Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture 13th – 18th Centuries. Trans. Eric Nicholson. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.
Howard, Donald R. The Three Temptations: Medieval Man in Search of the World. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1966.
Huizinga, Johan. The Autumn of the Middle Ages. Translated by Rodney Payton and Ulrich Mammitzsch. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1996.
In the
Garden of Evil: The Vices and Culture in the Middle Ages. Edited
by Richard G. Newhauser. Forthcoming.
Jehl, Rainer. "Die Geschichte des Lasterschemas und seiner Funktion." Franziskanische Studien 64 (1982): 261–359.
Kent, Bonnie. Virtues of the Will: The Transformation of Ethics in the Late Thirteenth Century. Washington, D. C.: Catholic Univ. of America Press, 1995.
Kroll, Jerome,
and Bernard Bachrach. "Sin and
Mental Illness in the Middle Ages."
Psychological Medicine 14 (1984): 507-14.
Lottin, Odon.
Psychologie et morale aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles. 6 vols. Gembloux: J. Duculot, 1942–1960.
[Vol. 1. 2nd ed.
1957].
MacIntyre,
Alasdair C. After Virtue: A Study in
Moral Theory. 2nd
ed. Notre Dame, IN: Univ. of Notre Dame Press, 1984.
Markus, Robert A. The End of Ancient Christianity. Cambridge, Eng. and New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1990.
Newhauser, Richard G. The Treatise on Vices and Virtues in
Latin and the Vernacular. Typologie des sources du moyen âge
occidental, 68. Turnhout: Brepols, 1993.
---. "Zur Zweideutigkeit in der Moraltheologie: Als Tugenden verkleidete Laster." In Der Fehltritt: Vergehen und Versehen in der Vormoderne. Edited by Peter Von Moos, 377–402. Norm und Struktur, 15. Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 2001.
Solignac, Aimé. "Péchés capitaux." In Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 12/1:853–62.
Tentler, Thomas. Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1977.
Tuve, Rosamond. "Notes on the Virtues and Vices." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 26 (1963): 264–303; 27 (1964): 42–72.
Utley, Francis L. "The Seven Deadly Sins: Then and Now." Indiana Social Sciences Quarterly 25 (1975): 31–50.
Wenzel,
Siegfried. "The Seven Deadly Sins:
Some Problems of Research." Speculum 43 (1968): 1–22.
Zöckler, Otto. Das Lehrstück von den sieben Hauptsünden: Beiträge zur Dogmen- und zur Sittengeschichte, in besonders der vorreformatorischen Zeit. In O. Zöckler. Biblische und kirchenhistorische Studien, 3. Munich: Beck, 1893.
b. Individual Vices or Systems of Vice
Anger's Past: The Social Uses of an Emotion in the Middle Ages. Edited by Barbara Rosenwein. Ithaca and London: Cornell Univ. Press, 1998.
Augst, Rüdiger.
Lebensverwirklichung und christlicher Glaube: Acedia: Religiöse
Gleichgültigkeit als Problem der Spiritualität bei Evagrius Ponticus. Saarbrücker theologische Forschungen,
3. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1990.
Bunge, Gabriel. Akedia: Die geistliche Lehre des Evagrios Pontikos vom Überdruß. 4th rev. ed. Würzburg: Der Christliche Osten, 1995.
Cadden, Joan. " 'Nothing Natural Is Shameful': Vestiges of a Debate about Sex and Science in a Group of Late-Medieval Manuscripts." Speculum 76 (2001): 66-89.
Casagrande, Carla, and Silvana Vecchio. I peccati della lingua: disciplina ed etica della parola nella cultura medievale. Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1987.
Karras, Ruth Mazo. "Two Models, Two Standards: Moral Teaching and Sexual Mores." In Bodies and Disciplines: Intersections of Literature and History in Fifteenth-Century England, edited by Barbara A. Hanawalt and David Wallace, 123-38. Medieval Cultures, 9. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1996.
Little, Lester K. "Pride Goes before Avarice: Social Change and the Vices in Latin Christendom." The American Historical Review 76 (1971): 16–49.
Markus, Robert A.
"De civitate Dei: Pride and the Common Good." Collectanea Augustiniana 1 (1990):
245-59.
Murray, Alexander. Reason and Society in the Middle Ages. Oxford: Clarendon, 1978.
Newhauser, Richard G. "From Treatise to Sermon:
Johannes Herolt on the novem peccata
aliena." In De ore domini: Preacher and Word in the
Middle Ages. Edited by T. L. Amos
et al., 185–209. Studies in Medieval Culture, 27. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Press, 1989.
---. The Early History of Greed: The Sin of Avarice in Early Medieval Thought and Literature. Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature, 41. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2000.
Payer, Pierre. The Bridling of Desire: Views of Sex in the Later Middle Ages. Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1993.
Nani, T.
Suarez. "Du goût et de la
gourmandise selon Thomas d'Aquin."
In I cinque sensi / The Five Senses. Micrologus, 10. Florence:
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Theunissen, Michael. Vorentwürfe der Moderne: Antike Melancholie und die Acedia des Mittelalters. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1996.
Vincent-Cassy, Mireille. "L'Envie en France au Moyen Age." Annales E.S.C. 35 (1980): 253-71.
---. "Quand les femmes deviennent
paresseuses." In Femmes:
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Bruxelles: De Boeck Université, 1992.
Wenzel, Siegfried. The Sin of Sloth: Acedia in Medieval Thought and Literature. Chapel Hill, NC: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1967.
---. "The Three Enemies of Man." Mediaeval Studies 29 (1967): 47-66.
c. The Vices in Art
Baumann,
Priscilla. "The Deadliest Sin: Warnings Against Avarice and Usury on
Romanesque Capitals in Auvergne." Church History 59 (1990): 7-18.
Blöcker, Susanne.
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Sieben Todsünden in der niederländischen und deutschen Malerei und Graphik von
1450–1560. Bonner Studien zur
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Katzenellenbogen, Adolf. Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Mediaeval Art from Early Christian Times to the Thirteenth Century. Translated by Alan J. P. Crick. London: The Warburg Institute, 1939. Reprint, Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1989.
Norman, Joanne S. Metamorphoses of an Allegory: The Iconography of the Psychomachia in Medieval Art. American University Studies, series IX: History, 29. New York: Lang, 1988.
O'Reilly,
Jennifer. Studies in the Iconography of the Virtues and Vices in the Middle Ages. New
York, London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1988.
Schweitzer, Franz-Josef. Tugend und Laster in illustrierten didaktischen Dichtungen des späten Mittelalters: Studien zu Hans Vintlers "Blumen der Tugend" und zu "Des Teufels Netz." Germanistische Texte und Studien, 41. Hildesheim: Olms, 1993.
Virtue and Vice: The Personifications in the Index of Christian Art. Edited by Colum Hourihane. Princeton: Index of Christian Art, 2000.
Voelkle, William M. "Morgan Manuscript M.1001: The Seven Deadly Sins and the Seven Evil Ones." In Monsters and Demons in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds: Papers Presented in Honor of Edith Porada, edited by Ann E. Farkas et al., 101-14. Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1987.
d. Origins and the Vices
Brakke, David. "The Making of Monastic Demonology: Three Ascetic Teachers on Withdrawal and Resistance." Church History 70 (2001): 19-48.
Goehring, James E. Ascetics, Society, and the Desert: Studies in Early Egyptian Monasticism. Studies in Antiquity and Christianity. The Roots of Egyptian Christianity, [6]. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 1999.
Nussbaum, Martha C. The Therapy of Desire: Theory and Practice in Hellenistic Ethics. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1994.
O'Laughlin, Michael. "The Anthropology of Evagrius Ponticus and Its Sources." In Origen of Alexandria: His World and His Legacy, edited by Charles Kannengiesser and William L. Petersen, 357-73. Notre Dame, IN: Univ. of Notre Dame Press, 1988.
Röhser, Günter. Metaphorik und Personifikation der Sünde: Antike Sündenvorstellungen und paulinische Hamartia. Sorabji, Richard. Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2000.
Stewart, Columba. Cassian the Monk. New York and Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1998.
Straw, Carole. Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection. Transformation of the Classical Heritage, 14. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: Univ. of California Press, 1988.
Wibbing, Siegfried. Die Tugend- und Lasterkataloge im Neuen Testament. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche, 25. Berlin: Töpelmann, 1959.
e. Pastoralia and the Vices
Handling Sin: Confession in the Middle Ages. Edited by Peter Biller and A. J. Minnis. York: York Medieval Press, 1998.
Michaud-Quantin, Pierre. Sommes de casuistique et manuels de confession au Moyen Age (XIIe-XIVe siècles). Analecta mediaevalia Namurcensia, 13. Louvain, Lille, and Montreal: Nauwelaerts, 1962.
Owst, Gerald R. Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England. 2nd rev. ed. Oxford: Blackwell, 1961.
---. Preaching in Medieval England: An Introduction to Sermon Manuscripts of the Period c. 1350-1450. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1926. Reprint, New York: Russell & Russell, 1965.
Spencer, H. Leith. English Preaching in the Late Middle Ages. Oxford: Clarendon; New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1993.